MISSISSIPPI

Year of Statehood: 1817

Demographics ... Then and Now

18301990
Total Population 137,000 2,573,216
Population Per Square Mile 2.9 54.9
Male

Female

72,000

65,000

1,230,617

1,342,599

Urban

Rural

3,000

134,000

1,210,729

1,362,487

White

Black

Hispanic Origin

American Indian, Eskimo or Aleut

Asian or Pacific Islander

Other

70,000

66,000

*

*

*

*

1,624,198

911,891

15,931

8,316

12,543

337


* - 1830 Census Data Not Available



Sources: Historical Statistics of the U.S., Colonial Times to 1970, Bicentennial Edition prepared by the U.S Bureau of the Census; and 1990 U.S. Census

December 25 - Native Americans are forced west


Excerpt from Tocqueville's letter to his mother
Note: This excerpt provides an eye-witness account of the
forced westward movement of the Native Americans.

At last, at last, dear Mother, the signal has been given, and here we are sailing down the Mississip[p]i with all the speed that steam and the current united can give a vessel.

We were beginning to despair of ever getting out of the wilderness in which we found ourselves imprisoned. If you wish to trouble to look at the map you will see that our position was not gay. Before us the Mississip[p]i half-frozen, and no ship to take us down; over our heads a Siberian sky pure and icy. -- One could turn back, you will say. -- That last resource eluded us. During our sojourn at Memphis the Tennessee had frozen, in such a way that carriages were no longer getting across. Thus we found ourselves in the middle of a triangle formed by the Mississip[p]i, the Tennessee, and impenetrable wilderness to the South, as isolated as on a rock in the ocean, living in a small world made expressly for us, without papers, without news of the rest of mankind, with the prospect of a long winter. It was in this fashion that we spent a week.

But for the worry, however, these days passed pleasantly enough. We were staying with some nice people who did their best to be agreeable to us. Twenty paces from our house began the most admirable forest, the most sublime and picturesque place in the world, even in the snow. We had guns, powder, and lead as much as we wanted.

A few miles from the village lived an Indian nation (the ChickAsaws); once on their lands we always found a few who asked nothing better than to hunt with us. Hunting and war are the only occupations, as the only pleasures, of the Indians. We should have had to go too far to find true game in any quantity. But in revenge we killed a number of pretty birds unknown in France: a performance which hardly raised us in the estimation of our allies but which had the virtue of amusing us perfectly. In this fashion I killed birds that were red, blue, yellow, without forgetting the most brilliant parrots that I have ever seen.

Thus passed our time, lightly as to the present; but the future would not leave us tranquil. Finally, one fine day, we saw a wisp of smoke on the Mississip[p]i, on the edge of the horizon. The cloud drew nearer little by little and out of it came, not a giant or a dwarf as in fairy tales, but a great steamboat, coming from New Orleans and which, after parading in front of us for a quarter of an hour, as if to leave us in uncertainty whether it would stop or continue its journey, after blowing like a whale, finally steered toward us, broke the ice with its heavy timbers and tied up to the bank.

The entire population of our universe turned out on the shore of the river which, as you know, formed at that time one of the extreme frontiers of our empire. The whole city of Memphis was in a ferment; they didn't ring the bells because there are no bells, but they cried hurrah! And the new arrivals stepped down on the beach like Christopher Columbuses.

We were not saved yet, however; the destination of the boat was up the Mississip[p]i all the way to Louisville, and we, our business was to go to New Orleans. We had luckily about fifteen companions in misfortune who were no more anxious than we to take up winter quarters in Memphis. There was therefore a general rush for the captain. What would he do in the upper Mississip[p]i? He would infallibly be stopped by the ice. The Tennessee, the Missouri, the Ohio were frozen over. Not one of us but insisted that he had seen it with his own eyes. He would be arrested without fail, damaged, perhaps even smashed by the ice. As for us, we were speaking only in his own interest. That went without saying: in his own best interest. ....

This neighborly love lends such warmth to our arguments that we finally begin to shake our man. Yet I have the conviction that he would not have turned around but for a happy event, to which we owe it that we did not become citizens of Memphis. As we were debating there on the bank, we heard an infernal music echoing in the forest; it was the noise of a drum, the whinnying of horses, the barking of dogs.

There finally appeared a large troop of Indians, old men, women, children, belongings, all led by a European and steering toward the capital of our triangle. These Indians were Chactas (or Tchactaws), following the Indian pronunciation. A propos of that, I will tell you that M. de Chateaubriand has acted a little as did the monkey of La Fontaine; he hasn't taken the name of a harbor for a man, but he has given a man the name of a powerful nation of Southern America. However that may be, you no doubt want to know why these Indians had come and in what way they could be of service to us.

Patience, I beg of you; to-day, having time and paper, I don't want to hurry. You shall know, then, that the Americans of the United States, who are reasonable and unprejudiced, and great philanthropists to boot, have taken it into their heads, as did the Spaniards, that God had given them the new world and its inhabitants in full ownership.

They have discovered, furthermore, that, it being proved (listen well to this) that a square mile could nourish ten times as many civilized men as savages, reason indicated that wherever civilized men could establish themselves, the savages would have to move away.

What a beautiful thing logic is. Consequently, whenever the Indians begin to find themselves a little too close to their white brothers, the President of the United States sends them a messenger, who represents to them that in their own best interest it would be well for them to retreat ever so little toward the West. The lands where they have lived for centuries belong to them, indubitably; no one refuses them this incontestable right; but these lands, after all, they are uncultivated wilderness, woods, swamps, a poor property truly.

On the other side of the Mississip[p]i, on the contrary, are magnificent lands, where the game has never been disturbed by the sound of the pioneer's axe, where the Europeans will never come. They are more than 100 leagues away. Add to this some presents of inestimable price, waiting to reward their complaiance: hogsheads of brandy, necklaces of glass, earrings and mirrors: the whole backed up by the insinuation that if they refuse, it may perhaps be necessary to use force.

What to do? The poor Indians take their old parents in their arms; the women load their children on their backs; the nation finally sets out, carrying with it its most precious possessions. It abandons for ever the soil on which, for a thousand years perhaps, its fathers have lived, to go establish itself in a wilderness where the whites will not leave them ten years in peace.

Do you note the results of a high civilization? The spaniards, like real brutes, throw their dogs on the Indians as if on ferocious beasts. They kill, burn, massacre, pillage the new world like a town taken by assault, without pity as without discernment. But one can't destroy everything; fury has its end. The remainder of the Indian populations ends by mingling with the conquerors, taking their customs, their religion; in several provinces they are today reigning over their former conquerors.

The Americans of the United States, more humane, more moderate, more respectful of right and legality, never bloody, are more profoundly destructive; and it is impossible to doubt that before a hundred years [have passed] there will no longer be in North America, not just a single nation, but a single man belonging to the most remarkable of the Indian races. ...

But I don't remember at all where I was in my story. We were talking, I think, about the Chactas. The Chactas were a powerful nation living on the frontiers of the States of Alabama and Georgia. After long negotiations they finally, this year, succeeded in persuading them to leave their country and emigrate to the right bank of the Mississip[p]i. Six to seven thousand Indians have already crossed the great river; those arriving in Memphis came there with the object of following their compatriots.

The agent of the American government, who was accompanying them and was responsible for paying their passage, when he learned that a steamboat had just arrived, ran to the bank. The price that he offered for carrying the Indians sixty leagues further down was the final touch that made up the captain's unsettled mind; the signal for all aboard was given. The prow was turned south, and we gaily mounted the ladder down which sadly came the poor passengers who, instead of going to Louisville, saw themselves obliged to await the thaw at Memphis. Thus goes the world.

But we had not left yet: it was a question of embarking our exiled tribe, its horses and its dogs. Here began a scene which, in truth, had something lamentable about it. The Indians advanced mournfully toward the bank. First they had their horses go aboard; several of them, little accustomed to the forms of civilized life, took fright and plunged into the Mississip[p]i, from which they could be pulled out only with difficulty. Then came the men who, according to ordinary habits, carried only their arms; then the women carrying their children attached to their backs or wrapped in the blankets they wore; they were, besides, burdened down with loads containing their whole wealth.

Finally the old people were led on. Among them was a woman 110 years old. I have never seen a more appalling shape. She was naked save for a covering which left visible, at a thousand places, the most emaciated figure imaginable. She was escorted by two or three generations of grandchildren. To leave one's country at that age to seek one's fortune in a foreign land, what misery! Among the old people there was a young girl who had broken her arm a week before; for want of care the arm had been frozen below the fracture. Yet she had to follow the common journey.

When everything was on board the dogs approached the bank; but they refused to enter the vessel and began howling frightfully. Their masters had to bring them on by force.

In the whole scene there was an air of ruin and destruction, something which betrayed a final and irrevocable adieu; one couldn't watch without feeling one's heart wrung. The Indians were tranquil, but sombre and taciturn. There was one who could speak English and of whom I asked why the Chactas were leaving their country.

-To be free, he answered, - I could never get any other reason out of him. We will set them down tomorrow in the solitudes of Arkansas. One must confess that it is a singular fate that brought us to Memphis to watch the expulsion, one can say the dissolution, of one of the most celebrated and ancient American peoples.

But that's enough about the savages. It's high time to come back to civilized men. Yet one word still about the Mississip[pli which, in truth, hardly deserves attention. It's a great river, yellow, rolling gently enough through the most profound solitudes, in the midst of forests which it inundates in spring and fertilizes with its mud. You see not a single hill on the horizon but woods, more woods, and still more woods: reeds, tropical creepers; a perfect silence; no trace of man; not even the smoke of an Indian encampment.

[written] Dec. 25, 1831 on board the Louisville

(Pierson, p. 593)

* Pierson added the following footnote (p. 598):
Beaumont counted between fifty and sixty Indians, all being carried on the open deck. His impression was that the old squaw was even more aged than Tocqueville said.
"The old are spared no more than the others.," wrote Beaumont. "I have just seen on the boat deck an aged woman more than 120 years old. She is almost naked and carries on her only a miserable woollen covering scarcely protecting her shoulders from the cold. She seemed to me the perfect image of old age (roctuste) and decrepitude. This unhappy woman is obviously at death's door, and she leaves the land where she has dwelt for 120 years to go into another country to begin a new life.

"We shall arrive to-morrow sometime during the day at the mouth of the White River where we shall set them down. They will be tossed on the bank as one tosses rabbits into a warren that one wishes to populate."

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Excerpt from Beaumont's letter to his brother, Achille

I think we should have died of boredom and despair if we had not had to sustain us our accustomed philosophy and each a fusil de chasse. We awaited better times wandering through the surrounding forests and exploring the shores of the Mississip[p]i. Tocqueville and I killed a multitude of charming birds, among others some parrots of charming plumage; they were green, yellow and red. We killed four on the same hunt. The only difficulty is to kill just one, the death of the first makes all the others come; they perch on the head of the hunter and have themselves shot like ninnies.

These hunts gave us the opportunity to see some very picturesque sites on the left bank of the Mississip[p]i. I should draw up for you a description of them if M. de Chateaubriand
had not written his in a way to discourage amateurs. Besides, I did not have the chance to see the Great River and its neighborhood in all their beauty. Winter gives to all nature a sombre and lugubrious tint, and the snow with its whiteness animates the tableau not at all, it's the whiteness of death. Thus it was only by comparison that I found beautiful the scenes offering themselves to my eyes; when I experienced some admiration it was my imagination that was responsible.

Hunting was difficult on a slippery and mountainous terrain; but the fatigue that we acquired on our walks was a veritable blessing. It made us feel the need of repose, and at least the hours passed in sleep disembarrassed us momentarily of our cares and alarms. ...

We finally left Memphis this morning at five o'clock, and during the day we have made nearly forty league. The Louisville is a magnificent steamboat. The cabin in which I am writing you at this moment is vast and well decorated. One is as comfortable there as in a great salon, although there are forty passengers. Each one has his bed. Three meals are served. The cooking is bad, because in America there is no good cooking done (except in some private houses). Otherwise, as American cooking goes, it is excellent. ...

At the instant of writing our boat is immobile; we are at anchor. It is nine o'clock in the evening; the weather is sombre; and it is dangerous to navigate the Mississip[p]i at night in the season in which we find ourselves. The waters are very low, because the northern rivers which feed the Mississip[p]i are all frozen. One runs the risk then of running aground, and furthermore there are in the river an unbelievable number of overturned trees (called snags in English) against which one is sure to stave in [the bottom]. These circumstances are the reason for our putting in 5 or 6 days in going to New Orleans. Besides, it's only from that city that I shall be able to send off my letter, and I shall not close it without telling you the incidents of the voyage, if any arise. ...

[written] Dec. 25, 1831 on board the Louisville

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December 26 - Louisville becomes stranded on a sandbar

Journal entries

The Louisville on which we are sailing, weighs about 400 tons. It cost 50,000 dollars to build; it is not expected to last more than four years. The fresh water navigation, the snags and all the other dangers of the Mississippi reduce the life of ships that ply on this river to that short period (on the average).

The price of wood (average) on the banks of the Mississippi is 2 dollars a cord. The boat consumes 30 cords a day. That makes the expense reach 60 dollars.

Provisions and wages for the crew and passengers amount to about the same sum, which brings the expense of a ship of this size up to 120 dollars a day.

Information provided by the Captain of the Louisville on 26th December 1831.

(Tocqueville, p. 271)

Note: Pierson writes that when Tocqueville and Beaumont asked the pilot how long the delay might be, he "blew smoke in their faces and observed peacefully that the sands of the Mississippi were like the French and could not stay a year in the same place."


***

I imagine that often what one calls the character of a people is nothing but the character inherent in its social state.

So the English character might well be nothing but the aristocratic character. What tends to make me think that is the immense difference between the English and their descendants in America.

Political parties, when they come to birth in a people, have for some time and in some respects the attributes of youth. Their passions and their excesses have something of generosity, of the extreme, and of devotion in them. But the political parties in a nation, long stirred by factions, take on a character of dishonorable selfishness, a sort of spirit of misanthropy, something in a word that tastes of disenchantment and cold passions, and belongs to old age.

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December 27

Journal entries

Just now we are traveling with a man called Mr. Houston. This man has been governor of Tennessee. Afterwards he left his wife, having before that, it is said, subjected her to very bad treatment. He took refuge with the Indians, married one of them and became one of their chiefs. I asked what could have commended him to the people's choice.

"That he came from them," I was told, "and had risen by his own exertions."

I was again assured today that in the new States of the West the people generally make very bad choices. Full of pride and without enlightenment, the voters wish to be represented by people of their own sort. Moreover, to gain votes, one must descend to maneuvers that disgust men of distinction. One must haunt the taverns, drink and argue with the mob; that is what is called Electioneering in America.

"The fittest men," Kent says frankly in speaking of the judges, "would probably have too much reservedness of manners and severity of morals, to secure an election resting on universal suffrage."

(Tocqueville, p.268)

***
Paternal Power
Paternal power, which was so prominent a feature of the republics of antiquity that some writers have seen in it the source of their greatness and their duration, is reduced almost to nothing in American institutions. American laws seem to look with as jealous and suspicious an eye on the power of a father as on all other powers that can interfere with human liberty.

Customs, morals and opinion are, in this, in harmony with the laws. Paternal power is an aristocratic institution. It makes old men into a privileged and governing class. It gives them a sort of patronage by making their descendants depend on them, all things antipathetic to democracy.

(Tocqueville, p.269)

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December 29

Journal entry written by Tocqueville about bankruptcy

Bankruptcy

The great number of insolvencies and bankruptcies which take place every year in the different States of the Union, and more especially the indifference shown by public opinion about this matter, are one of the greatest stains on the American character.

People who should know told me that at Philadelphia the number of insolvencies amounts to about 800 in the year.

The Americans are renowned for their skill in business and their spirit of enterprise. But in general they are considered bad debtors.

When one considers the chastity of their morals, the simplicity of their manners, their habits of work and the religious and settle spirit which prevails in the United States, one is tempted to believe that the Americans are a virtuous people; but when one considers the commercial fervor which seems to devour the whole of society, the thirst for gain, the respect for money and the bad faith in business which appears on every side, one is soon led to think that this pretended virtue is only the absence of certain vices, and if the number of human passions seems restricted here, it is because they have all been absorbed in just one: the love of wealth.

(Tocqueville, p. 257)

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Journal entry written by Tocqueville about central government

Union: Central Government
This much can be stated, that it is only a very enlightened people that could invent the federal constitution of the United States, and that only a very enlightened people and one peculiarly accustomed to the representative system could make such complicated machinery work, and know how to maintain the different powers within their own spheres, powers which, without this continual care, would not fail to come into violent collision.

The constitution of the United States is an admirable work, nevertheless one may believe that its founders would not have succeeded, had not the previous 150 years given the different States of the Union the taste for, and practice of, provincial governments, and if a high civilization had not at the same time put them in a position to maintain a strong, though limited, central government. The federal constitution of the United States seems to me the best, perhaps the only, arrangement that could allow the establishment of a vast republic, and yet to imitate it is absolutely impractical without the pre-existing conditions of which I was speaking above.

One thing that favored the establishment of the constitution in America was that the different States, still young and little accustomed to independence, had not yet cherished to a high degree that individual pride and those national prejudices which make it so painful for old societies to give up the smallest parts of their sovereignty.

Examples of federal unions in antiquity and in modern history:

1st. The Amphictyonic council.

2nd. The Achaean league.

3rd. The Germanic body.

4th. United Provinces of the Low Countries [Holland, Belgium]

5th. Switzerland.

All these confederations fell into error of the first American Union; they did not at all make a single people out of the different provinces united by establishing power and a central sovereignty in matters that concerned the union. They all came to suffer from civil war, disintegration and anarchy, but none of them was sufficiently enlightened, as was the American Union, to see the remedy at the same time as it felt the ill and to correct its laws.

For the history of these confederations see the able resume made by Mr. Madison in The Federalist, numbers 18 and others, p.72.

(Tocqueville, p. 260)

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