ALABAMA

Year of Statehood: 1819

Demographics ... Then and Now

18301990
Total Population310,0004,040,587
Population Per Square Mile6.079.6
Male

Female

161,000

149,000

1,936,162

2,104,425

Urban

Rural

3,000

306,000

2,439,549

1,601,038

White

Black

Hispanic Origin

American Indian, Eskimo or Aleut

Asian or Pacific Islander

Other

190,000

119,000

*

*

*

*

2,960,167

1,017,713

24,629

16,221

21,217

640


* - 1830 Census Data Not Available



Sources: Historical Statistics of the U.S., Colonial Times to 1970, Bicentennial Edition prepared by the U.S Bureau of the Census; and 1990 U.S. Census

Mobile, AL: January 4

Journal entries

Bad choices in little republics are partly accounted for by the fact that men of distinction do not canvass for honors or enter on a political career; this disadvantage seems to me more than compensated for by the absence of great excitement and the upheavals brought about by lust for power.

(Tocqueville, p. 167)
***

The greatest merit of the government of the United States is that it is powerless and passive. In the actual state of things, in order to prosper America has no need of skilful direction, profound designs or great efforts. But need of liberty and still more liberty. It is to nobody's interest to abuse it. What point of comparison is there between such a state of affairs and our own?

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Montgomery, AL: January 6

Journal entry

Conversation with a lawyer from Montgomery

I traveled for two days with this young man. I have forgotten his name which anyhow is very obscure. But I think I ought to note the conversation down. It is stamped with much practical good sense. Besides what he says is corroborated by several pieces of subsequent information:

The erroneous opinion is spreading daily more and more among us, he said, that the people can do everything and is capable of ruling almost directly. From that springs an unbelievable weakening of anything that could look like executive power; it is the outstanding characteristic and the capital defect of our Constitution, and of those of all the new States in the South-West of the Union....

Is it true then that the ways of the people of Alabama are as violent as is said?

Yes. There is no one here but carries arms under his clothes. At the slightest quarrel, knife or pistol comes to hand. These things happen continually; it is a semibarbarous state of society.

Q. But when a man is killed like that, is his assassin not punished?
A. He is always brought to trial, and always acquitted by the jury, unless there are greatly aggravating circumstances. I cannot remember seeing a single man who was a little known, pay with his life for such a crime. This violence has become accepted. Each juror feels that he might, on leaving the court, find himself in the same position as the accused, and he acquits. Note that the jury is chosen from all the free-holders, however small their property may be. So it is the people that judges itself, and its prejudices in this matter stand in the way of its good sense. Besides, my informant added, I have been no better myself than another in my time; look at the scars that cover my head (we did see the marks of four or five deep cuts). Those are knife blows I have been given.

Q. But you went to the law?
A. My God! No. I tried to give as good in return.

Q. Do the people choose good representatives?
A. No, in general they choose people on their own level who flatter them. I have no doubt of the advantage that would come from restricting the franchise. The choices would certainly be better. But it is in the nature of things in a democratic State that the franchise should be extended by an irresistible movement until everyone is a voter, as happens with us. I predict that in France, too, you will not be able to stop yourselves indefinitely.

Q. But from these bad choices there must result bad laws and bad government?
A. Not nearly so much as one might expect at first glance. There are always some men of talent in our assemblies; from the first days these overwhelm the others and absolutely dominate business. It is really they who make and discuss the laws. The rest vote as they do. We have had representatives who could not read or write.

Q. Do you yourself see a great difference between the social state of the North and that of the South?
A. Immense. We Southerners have perhaps more natural advantages than those of the North, but we are much less energetic and, especially, less persevering. Our education is much neglected. We have no regular school system; a third of our population cannot read. One sees non of the same care given to the needs of society, or the same thought for the future.

Q. What power has religious feeling among you?
A. There is infinitely less morality with us than in the North. But religious feeling properly so called is perhaps more enthusiastic with us. There is religion in the North, here fanaticism. The Methodist sect predominates.

Q. What is the majority opinion in Alabama about the tariff?
A. The majority is strongly opposed to the tariff. But very attached to the Union. The nullificators of South Carolina find no support among us.

Q. What do you think of the use of the jury?
A. I think the jury useful in criminal cases. I think it useful in civil cases when it is a question of facts clearly distinguished from law or appreciations of morality. I think for instance that all questions of damages or defamation ought to be tried by jury. But when it comes to civil matters properly so called, to questions of law, and to the examination of legal documents, I think the jury is detestable, and would much prefer the judges alone. One of the disadvantages of our juries is that they are drawn from too small areas (the counties). The jurors know about the matter before it is argued. It is judged before it is heard and judged in a tavern.

When we got to Montgomery, we heard that a man had just been killed by a pistol shot in the street.

(Tocqueville, p. 102)

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